Critically interrogating classroom constructions of 'community' and 'difference':

Within educational literature, the concept of 'community' has been problematised over the last decade, particularly as regards how constructs of 'community' that aim to provide 'a sense of belonging... of collective concern for each individual' (Nodding 1996: 258) can also operate to exclude, devalue or homogenise diverse groups of students. The tensions that exist between desirable features of a learning community that provides a sense of belonging and at the same time recognises and celebrates difference and diversity are suggested by Fines, et al (1997: 252) who argue that '(t)he process of sustaining a community must include a critical interrogation of difference as the rich substance of community life...' This paper reports on an aspect of an empirical research project that examined relations of power between teachers and students as these operate through explicit processes used to create classroom communities. Through a case study of one composite grade primary classroom with children of diverse cultural heritage, we critically analyse constructs of 'community' in light of current literature on difference and diversity. Specifically we address the question: what pedagogical processes create a learning community where acceptance of difference is reworked to better address unequal relations of power? Introduction As teacher educationalists, our interest in and concerns about how concepts of ‘community’ and ‘difference’ are constructed within educational settings have been heightened over the three years that we have worked collaboratively on a small ARC-funded research project, entitled ‘Classroom cultures: a study of negotiation, collusion, resistance and power in student-teacher relations.’ During the three years of this project, we have explored the ways that teachers and students from three different primary schools in Melbourne, Victoria have utilised specific practices that enable particular relations of power to come into play, for example, through the establishment of classroom rules, through pedagogical processes and in the ways students enter into and/or resist such practices on the basis of gendered and cultural experiences. Our research methods included individual interviews with the teachers, regular classroom and school-based observations in each school, focus group discussions with children, as well as children’s written and drawn responses to our specific questions. Title: Critically interrogating classroom constructions of 'community' an... http://www.aare.edu.au/01pap/all01522.htm 1 of 11 18/08/2009 9:48 AM Elsewhere (Allard and Cooper, 2000; Allard and Cooper, 2001) we have compared and contrasted the differing pedagogical approaches endorsed and used by the three teachers and examined their students’ responses to these processes in order to delineate the ways in which power relations operate within these specific settings. We have also explored in-depth the links between one teacher’s stated views about how teacher-student relations should be enacted and examined how such beliefs come into being—and are challenged--through actual classroom practices, particularly in reference to gendered relations (Cooper & Allard, 2000). In this paper, we take up the issues that have emerged in terms of ‘community’ and ‘difference’, and in particular, cultural difference. Specifically, we draw on empirical data gathered at one of the primary schools that was a site for the already mentioned study in order to illustrate and analyse how concepts of social justice, ‘community’, ‘difference’, and pedagogical practices, including relations of power, are called into play in an educational setting. After briefly describing pedagogical practices that operated in this school, we review the literature from two distinct fields of research: that which explores issues of ‘social justice’; and as well, literature that investigates how ideals of ‘community’ and ‘communities of learning’ are taken up in schooling practices. Through our review and discussion of current literature, we highlight the tensions that exist between concepts of ‘community’ based on commonalities and ‘sameness’, and social justice discourses that aim to attend to difference. Finally, we return to our case study to analyse the data in light of the question: (how) do the pedagogical processes that are used in this school create a learning community where acceptance of difference is reworked to better address unequal relations of power? We see this question as significant to teacher education programs: firstly, because too often ‘cultural differences' (used to refer to students of non Anglo-Australian heritage), are often constructed as a 'deficit’. Students, because of their culture differences rather than because of how those differences are dealt with in education, are somehow deemed to be lacking in the necessary cultural capital to 'succeed'. Enabling teacher education students to re-think/examine the assumptions that underpin these constructions and to find ways to build ‘communities of learners’ and simultaneously address the diversity among learners as regards gender/cultural/socio-economic status, remains an ongoing challenge. Additionally, how to establish positive classroom environments and student relationships that build group rapport is of great concern to many beginning teachers. By examining these issues at the micro level, we aim to provide an explicit example of school based practice that will further debate and discussion. Case Study. Frankley Primary School Artists in Residence Program: 'We Share a Vision'. Frankley Primary School1 is an inner city school of 160 students. Located in one of the oldest inner city areas of Melbourne, the school has catered for the constantly changing population of new arrivals for over 100 years. Sixteen language backgrounds other than English are represented, with a predominance of students of Hmong, Macedonian, Turkish, Chinese, or Somalian heritage. A small number of students are from Anglo-Australian families. The school population is mainly drawn from a Ministry of Housing high-rise estate. Since many of the parents of the students at Frankley Primary are first generation migrants, with limited fluency in English and limited formal education, paid work is not easily obtained. Some of the students at Frankley Primary School have neither parent in ongoing paid work, and many families rely on part-time or casual employment as their main source of income. A significant proportion of families at the school receive some kind of government assistance in order to survive. Nevertheless, the school itself does not appear to be struggling under insurmountable burdens. Rather, as frequent visitors to the school, we noticed the level of energy, enthusiasm and vitality that children and staff and parents all seem to exude. Parents are incorporated into the daily routines of the school and there is a sense of the vigour and strength of the ‘old and new’, with locals who have lived in the neighbourhood for much of their lives joining with the more recently arrived migrant families to create a school community that aims to do well by its’ children. As teacher educators, we had prior contact through practicum visits or by working with staff members on other projects, with this school before beginning this study. Because of this prior knowledge, we knew that particular pedagogical processes, for example, cooperative learning, were used by staff and endorsed Title: Critically interrogating classroom constructions of 'community' an... http://www.aare.edu.au/01pap/all01522.htm 2 of 11 18/08/2009 9:48 AM within the wider school context as productive teaching and learning strategies. Additionally, we were aware that this school used practices such as a junior school council and negotiation of classroom rules—what we interpreted as a commitment to democratic participation in decision-making. These practices seemed to be useful starting points to explore how relations of power operated in classrooms and in the wider school community to govern ‘acceptable’ interactions among the diverse groups of students and between students and teachers. We chose initially to explore classroom interactions at the grade 3-4 level (8, 9 and 10 year olds) because, as part of the data gathering, we wanted students to write responses as well as to speak to us about fairly complex issues. We saw such multi-aged groupings as evidence of the school's commitment to build students' understanding across differences, including that of age, ability, and culture. Methods of data collection The data on which this paper draws was collected through classroom observations in the composite grade 3-4 at Frankley Primary School over approximately a six month period, an analysis of the documents submitted by the school for funding support to their proposed Artist in Residence Program, and ongoing discussions with school staff, including in particular the principal. The classroom was visited by one of us on a regular basis, usually every week for a period of three months, in order to observe the ways in which the classes were structured and the types of interactions among the children and between the children and their teachers. The classroom observations then took place at fortnightly or three weekly intervals. At Frankley, we also were able to observe whole school events, including the end-of-year concert that is an aspect of this paper. This helped us to think through issues of how practices in the wider community context, challenged or enhanced the ways in which children and teachers interacted. While many of the staff were Anglo-Australian, two teacher aides were of Hmong and Turkish heritage and were directly involved in the submission and 'worked closely with their respective communities' (Submission, 1998) on the specific project. This meant that the school as a whole had both the opportunity to learn from and about the different cultures and was able to provide the children with the emotional support of staff who knew their families well. The staffroom for example, was often the space in which teachers and the teacher aides along with parents met over morning tea and chatted informally about what was going on in the wider school community. These opportunities to share insights and to value different perspectives are another means of providing whole school support for the work that goes on within classrooms. Additionally, it is important to note that the school had a 'Multicultural Policy', as well as an 'Equal Opportunity Policy', an 'Anti-Bullying Policy', and the Department of Education mandated 'Student Code of Conduct Policy'. While these policies do not of course say anything about actual practices in school, they nevertheless suggest an awareness of and perhaps a commitment to addressing issues of social justice. Of relevance to the project discussed here are three specific statements from the Multicultural Policy (See Appendix One): These state that the purpose is: • To ensure that the ethnic backgrounds of all students are recognized, accepted and celebrated, and that all students understand that their background is integral to Australian national identity; [...] • To develop a positive attitude towards diversity by broadening the intercultural knowledge and understandings of students; [...] • Intercultural studies will take a whole school approach, permeating all school organization and curriculum.